Asian countries should ratify UN Convention on Enforced Disappearances

Significance of the Convention on Enforced Disappearances in Asia 1
By Mugiyanto 2

The yearly reports of the United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (UNWGEID) in the last few years are evidences enough to counter some arbitrary assumption that enforced disappearances are phenomena of the past and unique only to Latin and Central American countries. The reports indicate that Asian region contributed to most cases acknowledged by the Working Group.3 The continuous finding and reporting by the non-government organization and victims’ association on the cases in Asia also proves that these heinous crimes are still daily practices, and in some countries the situation is very alarming. Furthermore, even if there are no more cases of enforced disappearances at the current time, but the government fails to clarify the fate and whereabouts of the victims, they are considered continuous crimes.4

If we look at the history, enforced disappearance was first used by the Nazi in 1941 in the “occupied territories” especially in the extermination of the Jews. It was subsequently employed by the military and dictatorial regimes in Asia and Latin America and later even by formally democratic regimes, including those in Asia.5 The 9/11 tragedy in New York in 2001 that gave pretext to “war on terrorism” agenda launched by the United States unfortunately provides new grounds for some governments, mostly in Asia and Middle East to commit enforced disappearances against those considered “terrorists”.

In contradiction to the continuing practices of enforced disappearances in Asia, no single country in the region put enforced disappearances as a separate crime in their domestic legislation. Few countries such as the Philippines and Nepal have been in the process adopting the draft bill on enforced disappearances, but the way seems to be not an easy one. Some other countries including Indonesia put enforced disappearance a crime, but under the definition prescribed in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court which is difficult to prove.

Besides, as compared to Latin America, Europe and Africa, Asia also does not have regional instruments or mechanism to deal with such crimes in form of a convention or a court. What we have in the region which is still in initial step is the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) which applies only in the Member State of ASEAN in Southeast Asia sub-region.6

Regional situation vis-a-vis enforced disappearances
The lack of political commitment of the most Asian governments, and the absence of the national and regional mechanism in combating enforced disappearances have made Asia a fertile ground for the practices of enforced disappearances.

In war-torn state of Jammu and Kashmir of India, around 8,000 people disappeared since the onset of armed conflict across the state in 1989, that are generally attributed to Indian security forces. The Association of Parents of the Disappeared Persons (APDP) has recently found more or less 2, 900 unmarked graves in cemeteries of 18 villages near the Line of Control, dividing Kashmir between India and Pakistan. Families believe that their disappeared relatives could have ended up in these unmarked graves. No single case was brought to court and the victim’s rights have been denied although India already signed the Convention on Enforced Disappearances in February 2007.

In Indonesia, the government still has to follow up the recommendations of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) and the Parliament in order the government to take comprehensive measures which includes the investigation and prosecution the cases of enforced disappearances of pro democracy activists that happened before the fall of the dictatorship in 1997-1998.7 Human rights organization such as the Commission for the Disappearances and Victims of Violence (KontraS) and the Indonesian Association of Families of the Disappeared (IKOHI) also documented thousands of cases that happened in the past from 1966 – 2004 that need to be resolved by the government. Follow up needs to be taken by the Government of Indonesia especially because it signed the Convention on Enforced Disappearances in September 2009 and plans to ratify it in the very near future.8

In Nepal, massive human rights violations, including enforced disappearances took place during the ten year conflict between the government of Nepal and the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M), which ended in 2006 by both parties signing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. However, the cases of disappearance remain unresolved up to this day despite efforts of the Nepali government to institute some legal reforms. The draft bill for the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission was strongly criticized by civil society, for it allows granting of amnesties to the perpetrators. The same is true with the anti-disappearance bill which was approved in a form of an ordinance but was retracted following clamors of foul play by the national and international human rights organizations.

In Pakistan, thousands of persons have been subjected to enforced disappearance, mostly from Balochistan province and from the North Western Frontier Province, Sindh and Punjab. The number of cases has sharply increased since Pakistan joined the “war on terror” campaign. Still, as a result of the constant protests and petitions in courts by families of the disappeared, and with the clear resolve on the part of the Supreme Court by issuing orders to the military to produce the detainees before the courts, the government has finally acknowledged the custody of dozens of alleged terror suspects, but in most cases, the intelligence agencies continue to defy these judicial orders in the name of national security.

In the Philippines, according to the reports of FIND and Karapatan, more than 2,000 people are victims of enforced disappearance since martial law up to the present. Disappearances are mostly carried out as a result of the counter-insurgency operations of the government against the communist and secessionist groups.

Although, the number of cases of disappearances had dropped significantly in 2007 after the visit of Mr. Philip Alston, then UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial Execution to the country, the political persecution against known progressive and opposition leaders by slapping them with trumped-up criminal charges, continues unabated. But remains, impunity still holds sway as the Philippine government has failed to pass a domestic legislation penalizing enforced disappearance and neglects its voluntary pledge to the UN Human Rights Council stating that it would sign and ratify the Convention on Enforced Disappearances.

In Thailand, enforced disappearance continues unabated. The recent escalation of political violence in the central district of Bangkok between the police forces and the Red-Shirt protesters and the ongoing military operations in southern provinces are feared to have resulted in more cases of disappearances. While recent cases have not been fully investigated by the authority, the perpetrators of past human rights violations particularly the military crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in Bangkok in May 1992 remain unpunished. The unresolved disappearance case of Atty. Somchai Neelaphaijit, a human rights lawyer who disappeared in Bangkok in 2004 also continues to be a litmus test to the Thai judicial system.

In Timor-Leste, victims of gross violation of human rights under the Indonesian occupation from 1975 to 1999 are also still waiting for justice. The Truth, Reception and Reconciliation Commission (CAVR) of Timor-Leste, and the joint Commission of Truth and Friendship (CTF) with Indonesia have done many to them in term of truth. But in term of justice and prosecution to those most responsible, many thing still have to be done. Hundreds of Timorese children separated from their parents during Indonesian occupation living in Indonesia are still trying to identify them self and meet their relatives that supposed to be facilitated by the government of Timor-Leste and Indonesia. In terms of the Convention on Enforced Disappearances, Timor-Leste President Ramos Horta that AFAD met in 2009 as well as parliament member said that they are keen to ratify it.

Sri Lanka is even very bad with extrajudicial killings and disappearances in the 1980’s and 1990’s. Before those cases was thoroughly and justly resolved, the current government of President Mahinda Rajapaksa is even in very serious pressure by international community to deal with possible commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity during the massive military operation against the Tamils in 2008-2009.

In Bangladesh, one of the leading human rights organizations Odhikar reported several cases of enforced disappearances 2010 and 2011. The Odhikar has carried out fact finding missions on some incidents of enforced disappearance. Due to intensive national and international campaigns against extra-judicial killings; some decisions were passed by the High Court Division of the Supreme Court. Based on the reports by AFAD member Odhikar, Bangladesh should and will ratify the Convention on Enforced Disappearances although it might not be in a very near future.

The birth of the Convention on Enforced Disappearances
It takes some three decades of efforts that finally on December 20, 2006, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the International Convention on the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (CED). The Convention became the latest main international treaty on human rights. Different from other international convention, the Convention on Enforced Disappearances is a result of a long struggle initiated by the families of enforced disappearances, mostly those from Latin American countries such as Argentina, Chile, Brazil, Guatemala and others. They are the first to campaign at the international level with the support of international NGOs and draw international attention on the existing practices of enforced disappearances in their countries and call on the international community, particularly the United Nations to address the problems.

Because of this struggle, in 1980 the United Nations established the first thematic mechanism to deal with enforced disappearances called the United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (UNWGEID). The Working Group is composed of 5 independent experts representing geographical division of the UN whose mandate is essentially of humanitarian nature, namely it acts as a channel of communication between the family of the victim and the government concerned to clarify the fate and whereabouts of the disappeared persons. As such, the Working Group lacks any binding power as well as judicial competence and does not have the competence to condemn a State for human rights violations, or to establish individual responsibility, or to order serious and thorough investigations, or to award any measure of reparation to victims of enforced disappearance.

Later on December 18, 1992, the United Nations General Assembly unanimously adopted the United Nations Declaration for the Protection of all Persons from Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances under the Resolution 47/133. This declaration, although non-binding, reproduces some generally recognized customary rules and establishes the principles that shall guide and govern all States in the prevention and suppression of the practice of enforced disappearance.

Another historical moment indicating the victory of the efforts by families association, NGOs and some States was when after long and difficult negotiations since 2002, a text of the Convention on Enforced Disappearances was finally approved on 23 September 2005 by the drafting working group led by the late Ambassador of France, Bernard Kessedjian. It was then adopted by the UN Human Rights Council on 27 June 2006 and then unanimously adopted by the UN General Assembly in New York on 20 December 2006.

What is very remarkable in the process of negotiating the draft instrument (the Convention), is that the families associations such as the Latin American Federation of Association of Families of Disappeared Detainees (FEDEFAM), the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD) and others were given very significant chances to participate and intervene. This makes the Convention becomes very strong and significantly reflect the needs and interests of the victims.

If we look at the status of the Convention on Enforced Disappearances, it has 30 ratification and 90 signatures. Of the 30 ratification, only 13 recognize the competence of the Committee on Enforced Disappearances. Of the 30 ratifications, only three are from Asia, namely Japan, Kazakhstan and Iraq. So if we look at the composition, Asia is still very much underrepresented. The Convention entered into force on December 23, 2010, 30 days after the deposit of the document of ratification of the 20th ratification, namely Republic of Iraq to the Secretary General of the United Nations.9

Some important provisions of the Convention on Enforced Disappearances
As a campaign and education material, AFAD published a “Primer to the Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances” which helps public to understand the background of the Convention, what it is and why we particularly in Asia need the Convention. Some of the important points are to be mention here.

1. The Convention establishes the non-derogable rights of everyone not to be subjected to enforced disappearance. No circumstance whatsoever, be it a state or threat of war, internal political instability or any other public emergency, may be invoked to justify an enforced disappearance. The Convention holds that enforced disappearance constitutes an offense under criminal law and it considers this widespread or systematic practice of enforced disappearance a crime against humanity. Indeed, enforced disappearance is a crime under international law.

2. The Convention provides for the right of the relatives of the disappeared persons and of the society as a whole to know the truth regarding the circumstances of the enforced disappearance, the progress and results of the investigation and the fate and whereabouts of the disappeared person. According to the Convention, each State Party shall codify enforced disappearance as an autonomous offense under its criminal law and punish it by appropriate penalties which take into account its extreme seriousness. State Parties to the Convention shall cooperate in searching for, locating and releasing disappeared persons and, in the event of death, in exhuming and identifying them and returning their remains. Each State Party shall take appropriate measures in this sense.

3. The Convention contains a provision that emphasizes the right to form and participate freely in organizations and associations supporting the cause of the disappeared. The Convention also provides that:
• Enforced disappearance is a continuing offense and statutes of limitation for criminal proceedings shall not apply until the fate and whereabouts of the victim are established with certainty;
• Enforced disappearances constituting crimes against humanity (systematic and widespread practice) are imprescriptible;
• No one shall be held in secret detention;
• All States Parties shall establish and maintain up-to-date official registers of persons deprived of liberty and, upon request, provide some basic information on people deprived of their liberty to judicial authorities and any person with a legitimate interest in this information;
• In cases of enforced disappearance, “victim” means the disappeared person and any individual who has suffered harm as a direct result of an enforced disappearance; and
• All victims (in the broad sense stated above) of disappearance have the right to obtain reparation and prompt, fair and adequate compensation.

The Convention on Enforced Disappearances fills the gap 10
There have been several international and regional bodies tasked to address the issue of enforced are the following such as the United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (UNWGEID), European and Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the African Commission of Human and Peoples’ Rights, International Criminal Court (ICC), United Nations Human Rights Committee (HRC) and International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). But they all have their own limitation.

The United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (UNWGEID) established in 1980, for instance, lacks any binding power as well as judicial competence. Its mandate is essentially humanitarian and despite much valuable work, it has not been able to stop the spread of enforced disappearance. The regional mechanisms apply only for countries in the region respectively.

On the other hand, the ICC is a Court of international criminal law which establishes criminal responsibility of individuals for crimes against humanity, genocide, and war crimes, and not individual cases of enforced disappearances as defined by the Convention. Victims of enforced disappearances and their relatives do not have direct access to this international tribunal, for it is so created so as to condemn international criminals and not to primarily protect the rights of the victims.

For its part, the Human Rights Committee (HRC) serves as the monitoring body of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) for all States that have ratified it and its First Optional Protocol. As many States are Parties to the Covenant, it has a colossal workload and a huge backlog that is almost paralyzing its action. The HRC is a quasi-judicial body and its views on individual communications lack a binding power. Families have always insisted that the Convention should be a fully bodied instrument in its own right with its own monitoring organ.

The ICRC works to guarantee the implementation of the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols. However, its competence is limited to situations of conflict and to international humanitarian law. Further, the ICRC lacks any binding or judicial power and all its actions are highly confidential and strictly humanitarian.

Conclusion
Enforced disappearances are continuously practiced by governments in many countries in Asia with different pretexts, such as national security and stability, war against terrorism, war against separatism, war against communism and others. It happens in different nature of government from military regime, authoritarian regime, and sadly it happens also in the so called democratic government. This ongoing practice brings about masses of cases reported to the United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances that make Asia contributes most of the cases reported by the Working Group.

On the other hand, there is an absent in national and regional level for legislation able to tackle these massive crimes. No single country in Asia criminalized enforced disappearances. This situation then resulted in massive of neglected victims unable to access their rights to truth, justice, and reparations.

However, some countries show progress in their willingness to dealing with the phenomena by signing and ratifying the Convention on Enforced Disappearances (Japan, Kazakhstan, and Iraq already ratified, India and Indonesia signed) or in the process of doing so such as Thailand, The Philippines, Nepal, Timor-Leste, South Korea and others.

In the global world where human rights and fights against impunity has been a common language and spirit, each country should makes efforts to its best to move and transform words into reality. Ensuring the protection and fulfillment of human rights should then be our transformed commitment. Only this way we can measure our country as a democratic and civilized country. This all can be done initially by joining the international justice and human rights systems that have been agreed by our government in the United Nations. In the context of global fights against enforced disappearances, ratification and implementation of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances should be our common goal.

Footnotes:
1. The paper is presented at the Advocacy Meeting on the Accession to the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances held in Dhaka, Bangladesh on December 10, 2011 by Odhikar.
2. Mugiyanto is the Chairperson of the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD). He himself is a survivor of disappearances in Indonesia in 1998 when Indonesia was still under the authoritarian rule of General Suharto.
3. In the report released on January 26, 2011, the UNWGEID reported that the total number of cases transmitted by the Working Group to Governments since its inception is 53,337. The number of cases under active consideration that have not yet been clarified, closed or discontinued stands at 42,633 in a total of 83 States. The Working Group has been able to clarify 1,814 cases over the past five years.
4. Article 8, paragraph 1 (b) states that the statute of limitation “Commences from the moment when the offence of enforced disappearance ceases, taking into account its continuous nature”.
5. See the report submitted on January 8, 2002 by Mr. Manfred Nowak, independent expert charged with examining the existing international criminal and human rights framework for the protection of persons from enforced or involuntary disappearances, E/CN.4/2002/71.
6. On 23 October 2009, the Heads of State/Government of ASEAN presided over the Inaugural Ceremony of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), during which they also announced the “Cha-am Hua Hin Declaration on the Inauguration of the AICHR” to pledge full support to this new ASEAN body and emphasize their commitment to further develop cooperation to promote and protect human rights in the region.
7. Besides the prosecution in the Human Rights Court, the Parliament also recommend the President to find out the 13 people still disappeared, to provide the compensation and rehabilitation foe the victims and to ratify the Convention on Enforced Disappearances.
8. As mentioned in the National Plan of action on Human Rights 2011-2014, Indonesia supposed to ratify the Convention on Enforced Disappearances in 2013. But the human rights organization such as KontraS and IKOHI are confident that the ratification could happen sooner than planned.
9. See the UN website: http://treaties.un.org/Pages/ViewDetails.aspx?src=TREATY&mtdsg_no=IV-16&chapter=4&lang=en
10. Most points here are taken from the Primer on the Convention published by AFAD

Rights defenders demand Bangladeshi Government ratify UN convention

Rights defenders demand govt ratify UN convention
Staff Correspondent
11 December 2011

Rights defenders on Saturday urged the government to ratify the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance and to include enforced disappearance as an offence in criminal laws.

They also stressed the need for building awareness among the people to force the government to stop such rights violation.

They put forth their demands at an advocacy meeting on the accession on the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance in the capital.

Rights group Odhikar organised the programme with the help of the Switzerland embassy, International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD).

The AFAD president, Mugiyanto, said that the enforced or involuntary disappearances were an increasing phenomenon worldwide.

The convention was framed not sitting in a ‘drawing room’ rather taking inputs from victims and affected families. All concerned should carry the advocacy in a sustainable way until the Bangladesh government ratifies it, he said.

The FIDH head of Asia desk, David Knaute, hoped that the Bangladesh government would ratify the convention without any reservation and effectively implement it.

Odhikar adviser Farhad Mazhar said that world powers in recent years had started aggression in less powerful countries in the name of rights violation. ‘We should not give them any scope of such aggression.’

the Revolutionary Workers Party general secretary, Saiful Haque, said that such criminal activities were not taking place state support in any form and that holding only the law enforcement agencies responsible would not solve the problem.

The New Age editor, Nurul Kabir, said that involuntary disappearance would cause voluntary disappearance of many people as most of the involuntary disappearance cases are state-sponsored.

Deputy head of mission at the Switzerland embassy Gabriele Derighetti said that disappearance was not an issue when the present government assumed office. ‘The cases of disappearance will not disappear only through ratification. Making the government understand that disappearance is a major human rights violation is much important.’

The acting Bangladesh Nationalist Party secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir at the programme said that enforced disappearance was recurring in Bangladesh on political grounds and the government was least interested in its admission.

Fakhrul said that when the BNP was in office, incidents of ‘crossfire’ and Operation Clean Heart took place. ‘But I adamantly say that not a single of the incidents was political.’

Fakhrul said that the BNP did not support killing in the name of crossfire. He said that he individually considered that the deaths of communist leaders Mofakkharul Islam Chowdhury and Mizanur Rahman Tutu were acts of injustice.

He said that the past governments of BNP-led alliance should have signed and ratified the convention against enforced disappearance. He added that if the BNP went to power again, it would do whatever it would require to stop enforced disappearance.

Fakhrul came up with the observations in response to a rights activist during the question-answer session.

Families of Tapan Dash, Chowdhury Alam, Shamim Ahmed and Habibur Rahman, who all disappeared in such manner, narrated the happenings since the disappearance and the government’s apathy to finding them out.

‘It has now been four four months and seven days since my husband was abducted. I do not know how long I should wait. I want my husband back,’ said Shumi Das, wife of Tapan Das.

Dhaka University teacher Tasnim Siddqui, Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal lawmaker Mayeen Uddin Khan Badal, Bangladesh Nationalist Party lawmaker Syeda Ashifa Ashrafi Papia and Citizens’ Movement for Democracy and Human Rights member secretary Mahmudur Rahman Manna also spoke.

the Odhikar president, CR Abrar, treasurer Farida Akhter and secretary Adilur Rahman Khan presided over the sessions.

The United Nations General Assembly adopted the convention in late 2006 and it entered into force in late 2010.

As of December 9, 2011, 90 states have signed and 30 have ratified the convention.

The Convention provides for the right not to be subjected to enforced disappearances as well as the right for the relatives of the disappeared persons to know the truth.

The convention contains several provisions concerning prevention and investigation of the crime and the rights of victims and their families.


Source: New Age Newspaper, Bangladesh at http://newagebd.com/newspaper1/frontpage/43045.html?print

Prosecuting Serious Crimes in Asia

Prosecuting Serious Crimes in Asia; Perspective of the Victims*
By Mugiyanto**

“Let alone for the massacre in 1965,
even for the case that happened in 1998, no single perpetrators are held accountable, because the government is protecting them”
Wawan, a son of a victim of massacre in 1965 from Semarang, Indonesia.***

Impunity is still a major problem in Asia. The countries in the continent still face great challenges in their obligations to respect, protect and fulfill the human rights of their people. Many of Asian governments are also tasked not only to deal with the legacies of atrocities during the armed conflicts and authoritarianism in the past, but also to make sure that similar systematic and widespread violence will not happen again. It particularly is so in the situation of the so called democracy or transition to democracy like most of Asian countries. The challenges are even tougher in countries where violence is still ongoing, such as with the pretext of “war against terrorism” or undemocratic regime is still standing. It is in this context that justice, truth, reparation and guarantee of non recurrence are the outcry of the victims of the gross violations of human rights in the region.

In this short paper I will briefly share victims’ perspective in some countries in Asia, particularly the victims of enforced disappearances, in relations to how justice and other victims’ rights should be served and delivered.

Many serious crimes, less remedy
The culture of impunity continues to reign across territorial boundaries in Asia. The situation prohibits the victims’ search for justice particularly on the issue of enforced disappearances. The violation continues to be a common practice specifically to quell dissidents, insurgents and their supporters and eliminate suspected terrorists. In many cases, sadly speaking, disappearances happen in the so called democratic regimes.

In Bangladesh, one of the leading human rights organizations ODHIKAR reported that 16 persons have ‘disappeared’ in 2010 and two persons have disappeared so far in 2011. The ODHIKAR has carried out fact finding missions on some incidents of enforced disappearance. Due to intensive national and international campaigns against extra-judicial killings; some decisions were passed by the High Court Division of the Supreme Court. But prosecutions against those most responsible is still a long way to go, despite the fact that Bangladesh is one of the few countries in Asia that ratified Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC).

In war-torn state of Jammu and Kashmir of India, around 8,000 people disappeared since the onset of armed conflict across the state in 1989, who are generally attributed to Indian security forces. The Association of Parents of the Disappeared Persons (APDP) has recently found more or less 2, 900 unmarked graves in cemeteries of 18 villages near the Line of Control, dividing Kashmir between India and Pakistan. Families believe that their disappeared relatives could have ended up in these unmarked graves. No single case was brought to court and the victim’s rights have been denied.

In Indonesia, two Ad Hoc Human Rights Courts had been carried out for the case of gross violations of human rights in East Timor and Tanjung Priok and one Human Rights Court for the Abepura case in Papua. However, of the three courts, all the perpetrators have finally been acquitted. The existing Human Rights Courts in Indonesia have been unable to deliver justice. Much has to do with the independence of judiciary and the capacity of the law enforced, particularly judges and prosecutors. Other has to do with the weaknesses in the legislation (The Law No 26, 2000 on Human Rights Court), which accordingly it is important for Indonesia to soon ratify the Rome Statute of the ICC.****

In Nepal, massive human rights violations, including enforced disappearances took place during the ten year conflict between the government of Nepal and the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M), which ended in 2006 by both parties signing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. However, the cases of disappearance remain unresolved up to this day despite efforts of the Nepali government to institute some legal reforms. The draft bill for the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission was strongly criticized by civil society, for it allows granting of amnesties to the perpetrators. The same is true with the anti-disappearance bill which was approved in a form of an ordinance but was retracted following clamors of foul play by the national and international human rights organizations. In terms of prosecution, so many things are still to be done.

In Pakistan, thousands of persons have been subjected to enforced disappearance, mostly from Balochistan province and from the North Western Frontier Province, Sindh and Punjab. The number of cases has sharply increased since Pakistan joined the “war on terror” campaign. Still, as a result of the constant protests and petitions in courts by families of the disappeared, and with the clear resolve on the part of the Supreme Court by issuing orders to the military to produce the detainees before the courts, the government has finally acknowledged the custody of dozens of alleged terror suspects, but in most cases, the intelligence agencies continue to defy these judicial orders in the name of national security. Prosecution of those responsible for the serious crimes seems to have no hope in the near future.

In the Philippines, according to the reports of FIND and Karapatan, more than 2,000 people are victims of enforced disappearance since martial law up to the present. Disappearances are mostly carried out as a result of the counter-insurgency operations of the government against the communist and secessionist groups. Although, the number of cases of disappearances had dropped significantly in 2007 after the visit of Mr. Philip Alston, then UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial Execution to the country, the political persecution against known progressive and opposition leaders by slapping them with trumped-up criminal charges, continues unabated.

Prosecution of the existing serious crimes has been the weakest point of the Philippines road to justice. But there is a hope in the near future especially because Philippines is the second last country from Asia that acceded Rome Statute this year before Maldives. Hopefully this development in the Philippines be the answer to the pray of Edita Burgos, the mother of the disappeared victims in 2007 Jonas Burgos who once said, “Yet even as I embrace them for forgiveness, I pray for justice to be served. I hold them, the military and their commander-in-chief accountable for my son”.

But remains, impunity still holds sway as the Philippine government has failed to pass a domestic legislation penalizing enforced disappearance and neglects its voluntary pledge to the UN Human Rights Council stating that it would sign and ratify the The Convention on Enforced Disappearances.

In Thailand, enforced disappearance continues unabated. The recent escalation of political violence in the central district of Bangkok between the police forces and the Red-Shirt protesters and the ongoing military operations in southern provinces are feared to have resulted in more cases of disappearances. While recent cases have not been fully investigated by the authority, the perpetrators of past human rights violations particularly the military crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in Bangkok in May 1992 remain unpunished. The unresolved disappearance case of Atty. Somchai Neelaphaijit, a human rights lawyer who disappeared in Bangkok in 2004 also continues to be a litmus test to the Thai judicial system.

In Timor-Leste, victims of gross violation of human rights under the Indonesian occupation from 1975 to 1999 are also still waiting for justice. The Truth, Reception and Reconciliation Commission (CAVR) of Timor-Leste, and the joint Commission of Truth and Friendship (CTF) with Indonesia have done many to them in term of truth. But in term of justice and prosecution to those most responsible, many thing still have to be done.

Sri Lanka is even very bad with extrajudicial killings and disappearances in the 1980’s and 1990’s. Before those cases was thoroughly and justly resolved, the current government of President Mahinda Rajapaksa is even in very serious pressure by international community to deal with possible commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity during the massive military operation against the Tamils in 2008-2009.

Other Asian countries including Cambodia, Burma and China have also problems with commission of serious crimes now and then, which make the region have bigger burden to deal, especially to compare it with those in Europe or Latin America. Asia has also lack in term of human rights mechanism, not necessarily judicial mechanism, to deal with the gross violation of human rights. In terms of convention and court, Europe and Latin America, and even Africa have already their regional convention and courts. Whereas in Asia, we have only the newly sub-regional ASEAN Inter-governmental Commission on Human Right (AICHR).

If we look at the geographical composition of the ratification of the Rome Statute of the ICC, Asia is the lowest with 17 states parties. At the same time, African Group has 33 states parties, Eastern European Group has 18 states parties, Latin American and Caribbean Group has 26 states parties and Western European and Other Group has 25 states parties. This I believe has something to do with the fact that very few serious crimes in Asia are brought to court.

Lastly, although for the victims justice in form of prosecution is one of the elements of victims’ rights besides truth, reparation and guarantee of non recurrence, but it places the most important one.

It is for this very same reason with us that Patricia Isasa, the survivor of abduction, torture and rape of the military junta in 1976 in Argentina during the “Dirty War” who just visited Indonesia and Timor-Leste said that “There is nothing worse than seeing the criminals go unpunished”


Note:
* This short paper is presented in the regional seminar and symposium “Prosecuting Serious Crimes in Asia” organized by ICTJ, Kontras, Indonesian Coalition for the ICC and Paramadina University in Jakarta on November 15-16, 2011.

** Mugiyanto is the survivor of the abduction of pro democracy activists in Indonesia in 1998 by the Indonesian army. He is now the Chairperson of IKOHI and AFAD and the Convener of the Indonesian Civil society Coalition for the ICC.

*** Interview of the victims and relatives of the victims for the drafting of position paper on the rights of the victims to reparations.

**** Indonesia supposed to ratify Rome Statute in 2008 as mentioned in the previous National Plan of action on Human Rights (RANHAM). It reschedules the plan in the new RANHAM 2011-2014 that the Rome Statute accession will be done in the third year (2013)

AFAD Council Meeting in Thailand

AFAD Council Meeting in Thailand, November 2011
We have new challenges, opportunities and hopes

Kick Andy - Mereka masih hilang

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Occupy Jakarta, Occupy Indonesia Stock Exchange!

Occupy BEI, Occupy Freeport Papua!
Day One, October 19, 2011

"We need more people and persistence!" Patricia Isasa on her "success" in the fights for justice in Argentina

Patricia Isasa or Pato (www.patriciaisasa.com.ar) as I call her was in Indonesia few days ago. Arriving in midnight in Jakarta after a long trip from America, she had to leave for Denpasar, Bali on her way to her ultimate destination, Timor-Leste. During her short stay in Jakarta, I was able to organize two sharing sessions with some activists on her experiences in life and struggles. She of also shared about her "success" in bringing to courts of 6 high military officers which later sent them to life imprisonment. Some of them were a mayor, a federal judge, and high police officer. She share some "tips" for success (Thanks for them, Pato!). Most importantly, she is just "too" enthusiastic in working with us, to strengthen the efforts, to make possible our search for truth, justice and reparation. We all have same dream of the people of common concerns, experiences and hopes. So we will follow them up!

Pato was also able to meet and talk with survivors like hers, of the case of the 1965/1966 tragedy, who were having a meeting at Kontras. When told that the meeting of the survivors and victims with the President Staff of Human Hights, Law and Corruption Eradication was disappointing, Pato said to them, "at least they are willing to meet you". The Indonesian survivors totally agreed with Pato, although Denny Indrayana left them in the meeting!

Acting as a tourist, Pato also joined the Thursday Rally in front of President Palace with tens of families of victims.

The last meeting and discussion we had with Pato was the one at Tjikini 17. So serious, that Pato took two big cups of coffee. Many inspiring ideas were born, on tactics, of advocacy, of negotiation, of many things. But all need to be followed up with concrete things. So let's do it, Pato!


Discussion and sharing is not always interesting, unless if one really is committed to the issue; justice and human rights. Few people in the discussion.

Patricia Isasa joins in the weekly Thursday Rally in front of the Presidential Palace, Jakarta. It is like the one by Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo near the Casa Rosada. The same day, same time, different place.
Just a concrete symbol of solidarity.

Afternoon walks at the National Monument after the Thursday Rally. "Dangdut sounds great!" Pato said.







The conclusion of the meetings, discussions and Patricia's visit; a follow up with an Argentina-Indonesia people solidarity networks, an embryo to a south to south solidarity movement!

Witnessing History in the Making!

I witnessed the history in the making, regardless of whether it will be the one written with golden mark or with the dark and dirty one.

Still, it was about the case of disappearances of pro democracy activists in 1997-1998. It was about the case I personally experienced. It is only that I survived that I am able to tell you the story now.

September 28, 2011 at the parliament building in Jakarta I accompanied families of victims for a joint press conference with several Members of the Parliaments who were the members of the Special Committee on the said case. Some other are now members of the Law and Human Rights Commission of the Parliament. They represent opposition party (PDI-P) and parties critical to the ruling Democratic Party (PPP and PKS). The day, by the way, was the 2nd anniversary of the adoption of the 4 recommendations of the Parliament to the President in order to resolve the said above case, to which the President is still denial.

The former Chair of the Special Committee, Efendi Simbolon from PDI-P said that President SBY is denial thus violating the Constitution by not implementing the recommendations! Another PDI-P MP Eva Kusuma Sundari said that her party's fraction will impeach the president! Both statements are very serious and strong, the ones long expected by the families of victims and human rights communities.

Another MPs from PPP and PKS took softer stance, but also said that the president can be impeach!

On the later day, September 28, again I accompanied the families of victims in a rally in front of Coordinating Minister for Politic, Law and Security (Menkopolhukam) and later with the lobby efforts by Usman Hamid, we were welcomed by the Coordinating Minister, Joko Suyanto to get in for a meeting. About 15 of us were there.

After listening to the families of victims, Joko Suyanto said some points:
1. That President SBY is committed to resolve our case and other cases of human rights violation in the past.
2. That his office is assigned by the President to formulate a comprehensive policy for dealing with the past.
3. That the team consisting of various relevant bodies in the government, including NHRI (Komnas HAM) was set up and started the initial works by visiting Lampung and Timor-Leste.

However, when asked by the families of victims on on the priorities and urgency to find out the fate and whereabouts of the disappeared (the status of the victims), the Coordinating Minister Joko Suyanto said he will do things in a comprehensive manner, as appointing one particular approach and case might be not fair to other cases. That the comprehensive policy still being formulated!

When asked to base the actions and approach in the principle of non discrimination, as there are masses of cases and victims, Joko Suyanto said that it will be there in the policy being formulated.

When I asked the timeframe, Joko Suyanto said that he will do as soon as possible, but it will take time.

So, while the families of the victims will keep the fight until the last breath like Utomo Raharjo, father of the disappeared Petrus Bimo Anugerah, keeps saying to me, let's see how the history will record what will be done by PDIP and other opposition politicians who will impeach President SBY if the later does not implement the recommendations.

Let's us also see how President SBY and his men like Joko Suyanto keep their words and implement their commitment to resolve the dark past legacy of the New Order authoritarian regimes.

History is in the making. It can still be the dark one, but be wishfully the bright one!

Transitional Justice and the Past; Victims' Perspective

It is not a matter of whether our country is in transition or not. Because justice is justice. The point is that we have to deal with the legacies of the past abuses by the dictator, authoritarian, military junta or even by a so called democratic government. That way, it is relevant for people to talk about a future full of respect of human rights, democracy, rule of law, prosperity and peace. Let's make it come true that the most affected society, the victims, are heard and involved in the process of formulating policies for dealing with the past when the United Nations is doing so. From an expert conference, "Transitional Justice and the Past; Perspective of the Victims" organized by the Geneva for Human Rights in Geneva, September 21, 2011.

Munir Assassinated - As old as your regime, SBY!

Munir was assassinated on the Garuda plane on his way from Jakarta to Amsterdam, on September 7, 2004. The forensic investigation by Dutch authority found that there was huge amount of deadly arsenic poison in his body. Fact Finding Team (TPF) set up by President SBY found the involvement of high rank officers of the State Intelligent Body (BIN), including Gen (Ret) AM Hendropriyono and Maj. Gen. Muchdi PR.

All the masterminds, including other suspect are still, except Garuda pilot on board with Munir on the evening of September 7, 2004, Policarpus Budihari Priyanto.

It has been outstanding responsibility of President SBY to reveal the truth about the assassination and bring the perpetrators to justice. The outstanding responsibility that was absent since he assume power months after Munir's death, despite the fact that President SBY once said that "It (assassination of Munir) is the test of our history".

President SBY, during 7 years of his administration has been enjoying his rule without major criticism on the issue of human rights, justice, rule of law and very rampant corruption, from a brave, clean, consistent, persistent and low profile human rights champion like Munir.

Until President SBY take serious measure to bring the most responsible persons to justice, he is enjoying and benefiting himself from the death of Munir.

Arti Penting Konvensi Anti Penghilangan Paksa
Mugiyanto

Pengantar
Setelah melalui proses perjuangan panjang selama hampir 30 tahun, akhirnya pada bulan Desember 2006 Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa mengesahkan Konvensi Internasional untuk Perlindungan Semua Orang dari Penghilangan Paksa (International Convention on the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance) atau Konvensi Anti Penghilangan Paksa (KAPP). KAPP ini kemudian menjadi sebuah perjanjian internasional (international treaty) di bidang HAM yang utama yang paling baru yang dimiliki oleh komunitas internasional.

Berbeda dengan konvensi-konvensi PBB yang lain, KAPP lahir dari sebuah proses perjuangan panjang yang dipelopori oleh korban dan keluarga korban penghilangan paksa, khususnya oleh mereka yang menjadi korban penghilangan paksa pada masa pemerintahan rejim-jejim diktator militer di negara-negara Amerika Latin, seperti Argentina, Chile, Brazil, Guatemala dan sebagainya. Merekalah yang mula-mula menarik perhatian komunitas internasional akan adanya praktik penghilangan paksa (enforced disappearance) yang massif dan sistematis, dan minta komunitas internasional, khususnya Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (PBB) untuk turun tangan dan mengambil tindakan.

Berkat kepeloporan dan perjuangan tanpa henti, antara lain oleh kelompok korban dari Argentina Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo, akhirnya pada tahun 1980 PBB membentuk satu kelompok kerja tematik untuk kasus penghilangan paksa yang bernama United Nations Working Group of Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (UNWGEID). Kelompok Kerja PBB ini terdiri dari 5 orang ahli independen dan memiliki mandat humaniter, yaitu menerima laporan kasus dari keluarga korban atau wakilnya, dan mengkomunikasikannya dengan pemerintah yang bersangkutan untuk mengklarifikasi nasib dan keberadaan (fate and whereabouts) korban penghilangan paksa.

Kelompok Kerja ini tidak memiliki kekuatan kompetensi judisial untuk meminta pertanggungjawaban individual ataupun melakukan penyelidikan serta mengeluarkan rekomendasi untuk pemenuhan hak-hak reparasi bagi korban dan keluarga korban.

Selanjutnya, karena fenomena penghilangan paksa yang tidak juga berhenti, pada tanggal 18 Desember 1992 PBB mengeluarkan Resolusi 47/133 tentang pengesahan deklarasi yang diberi nama United Nations Declaration for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances. Deklarasi inilah yang kemudian menjadi dasar kerja Kelompok Kerja PBB untuk Penghilangan Paksa. Walaupun tidak punya kekuatan hukum mengikat, Deklarasi ini mengatur beberapa prinsip dasar untuk tidak mentolerir serta mencegah terjadinya praktik penghilangan orang secara paksa, atas nama apapun.

Pencapaian Bersejarah
Walaupun melalui proses perjuangan yang sangat panjang, tetapi proses negosiasi KAPP terhitung cukup pendek. Dimulai tahun 2002 oleh Komisi HAM PBB, teks konvensi akhirnya disetujui oleh oleh pada tanggal 23 September 2005. Selanjutnya pada 27 Juni 2006 Dewan HAM PBB mengesahkannya dan tanggal 20 Desember 2006, Majelis Umum PBB mengesahkan Konvensi Anti Penghilangan Paksa ini. Satu hal yang paling unik, dan menjadikan konvensi ini berbeda dengan konvensi-konvensi PBB yang lain adalah karena pada proses negosiasi, kelompok korban diberi ruang yang sangat luas untuk intervensi.

Dengan kepemimpinan Duta Besar Perancis untuk PBB, (Almarhum) Bernard Kessedjian, kelompok-kelompok korban yang bergabung dalam FEDEFAM, AFAD, FEMED dan lain-lain dipersilahkan memberikan masukan dan perspektifnya selama proses negosiasi . Hal inilah yang kemudian menjadikan KAPP ini banyak sekali mengakomodasi suara dan kepentingan korban, yang karenanya juga menjadi sangat kuat.

Saat pengesahan KAPP oleh Dewan HAM PBB di Jenewa yang turut saya hadiri, Presidente de Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo Linea Fundadora, Martha Vasquez Ocampo dari Argentina didaulat untuk memberikan sambutan, dimana ia menyebutkan bahwa KAPP adalah sebuah ”pencapaian bersejarah” dari proses perjuangan panjang yang mungkin ia sendiri tidak akan bisa menikmatinya, tetapi anak cucunya.

Arti Penting Konvensi
Sebagai sebuah pencapaian bersejarah dalam gerakan korban pelanggaran HAM, KAPP memiliki beberapa arti penting, terutama bagi negara-negara Asia, yang antara lain adalah:

Pertama, instrument-instrumen atau lembaga yang ada belum cukup efektif untuk memerangi praktik penghilangan paksa yang terjadi selama ini. Beberapa instrumen dan lembaga yang ada yang berhubungan dengan penghilangan paksa antara lain adalah; Kelompok Kerja PBB untuk Penghilangan Paksa, Mahkamah Pidana Internasional (ICC), European, African dan Inter-American Courts, UN Human Rights Committee serta Palang Merah Internasional (ICRC).

Kelompok Kerja PBB hanya memiliki mandat humanitarian, ICC hanya memiliki jurisdiksi bila praktik penghilangan paksa dilakukan secara sistematis dan meluas, serta berada dalam rejim hukum pidana (bukan HAM). Selain itu, Asia juga belum memiliki mekanisme regional seperti di Afrika, Eropa atau Amerika Latin. Human Rights Committee juga memiliki kompetensi terbatas pada Negara-negara yang sudah meratifikasi ICCPR dan protokol opsionalnya. Sementara ICRC hanya memiliki kompetensi pada situasi konflik dan hukum humaniter internasional. ICRC juga tidak memiliki kekuatan hukum yang mengikat, serta bekerja secara ketat pada level humanitarian dan sangat rahasia (confidential).

Kedua, dalam konteks Asia, KAPP ini sangat penting karena Asia tidak memiliki mekanisme atau instrument HAM regional dalam bentuk konvensi ataupun pengadilan seperti yang ada di Eropa, Amerika (Inter-American) atau di Afrika. Mekanisme sub-regional Asia Tenggara (ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights – AICHR) juga belum memiliki mandat yang jelas dan kuat untuk menangani kasus-kasus pelanggaran HAM.

Ketiga, menurut laporan tahunan Kelompok Kerja PBB untuk Penghilangan Paksa (UNWGEID), Asia adalah benua yang memiliki kasus penghilangan paksa terbanyak yang dilaporkan ke PBB. Fenomena penghilangan paksa telah dan sedang terjadi di negara-negara Asia seperti Nepal, India, Pakistan, Srilanka, Filipina, Thailand, China, Indonesia, Timor-Leste (pada masa pendudukan Indonesia). Pada saat yang sama tindakan penghilangan paksa (enforced disappearance) belum dimasukkan dalam hukum pidana negara-negara Asia sebagai tindak pidana tersendiri. Karena itulah, KAPP bisa menjadi dasar untuk perbaikan sistem perlindungan hak asasi manusia.

Keempat, KAPP yang sudah berlaku (enter into force) sejak tanggal 23 Desember 2010 ini memiliki Komite Penghilangan Paksa (monitoring body) yang sangat kuat . Komite yang terdiri dari 10 orang ahli yang dipilih oleh negara pihak ini telah terbentuk pada Bulan Juni 2011 yang lalu. Komite ini antara lain memiliki mandat sebagai berikut.

1) Memerima, mempertimbangkan dan mengeluarkan komentar, penilaian dna rekomendasi kepada negara pihak (state party). 2) Kedua, meminta negara pihak untuk memberikan informasi tentang korban penghilangan paksa kepada Komite. 3) Meminta satu atau lebih anggota Komite untuk melakukan kunjungan ke negara pihak. 4) Menerima dan mempertimbangkan komunikasi individual oleh korban atau wakilnya. 5) Membawa persoalan ke majelis Umum PBB bila ada dugaan penghilangan paksa dilakukan secara sistematis atau meluas.

Pentingnya Ratifikasi
Sampai hari ini, KAPP telah ditandatangani oleh 88 negara dan diratifikasi oleh 27 negara. Dari angka-angka tersebut, hanya ada 2 negara Asia yang meratifikasi, yaitu Jepang dan Kazakhstan. Akan tetapi, beberapa negara di Asia kini sedang mempersiapkan untuk melakukan ratifikasi. Indonesia adalah negara yang pada bulan September 2010 menandatangani KAPP. Ratifikasi KAPP juga sudah dimasukkan dalam Rencana Aksi Nasional Hak Asasi Manusia (RANHAM) 2011-2014. Besar kemungkinan, berdasarkan komunikasi dengan pemerintah, Indonesia akan meratifikasi KAPP pada awal tahun 2012.

Ini adalah signal yang sangat positif, karena untuk isu penghilangan paksa, Pemerintah Indonesia memang dituntut untuk bertindak cepat. Pada bulan September 2009, DPR RI mengeluarkan rekomendasi kepada Presiden SBY untuk menyelesaikan kasus-kasus penghilangan paksa dan meratifikasi KAPP. DPR juga minta Presiden mencari aktifis yang masih hilang, menbggelar Pengadilan HAM dan memberikan hak-hak reparasi kepada para korban.

Selain itu, dalam hubungannya dengan Timor-Leste, pemerintah Indonesia (dan Timor-Leste) juga direkomendasikan oleh Komisi Kebenaran dan Persahabatan (CTF) untuk segera membentuk sebuah komisi untuk mencari orang hilang pada masa pendudukan Indonesia di Timor-Leste. Atas dasar itulah, Indonesia dan Timor-Leste sudah seharusnya berada di jalur yang benar untuk segera meratifikasi KAPP. Juga karena pada bulan November 2009, dalam pertemuan dengan delegasi AFAD dan HAK Association, President Ramos Horta telah berjanji bahwa Timor-Leste akan segera meratifikasi Konvensi Anti Penghilangan Paksa. Demikian juga saat pertemuan AFAD dan HAK Association dengan Komisi A Parlemen Nasional Timor-Leste.

KAPP adalah sebuah instrumen pencegahan yang bila diimplementasikan secara serius akan memberi manfaat pada penguatan rule of law dan perlindungan HAM, serta pemenuhan hak-hak korban di negara-negara demokratis atau negara-negara yang baru keluar dari otoritarianisme atau konflik berkepanjangan.

Footnotes:
1. Materi singkat disiapkan untuk diskusi dalam pertemuan NGO Forum Timor-Leste
2. Mugiyanto, ketua Ikatan Keluarga Orang Hilang Indonesia (IKOHI) dan Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD)
3. FEDEFAM adalah Federasi Organisasi Penghilangan Paksa Amerika Latin, AFAD adalah Federasi Organisasi Penghilangan Paksa Asia dan FEMED adalah Federasi Organisasi Penghilangan Paksa di Ero-Mediterania yang sangat aktif dalam proses negosiasi di Komisi dan Dewan HAM PBB di Jenewa.
4. Konvensi Anti Penghilangan Paksa berlaku aktif pada hari ke-30 setelah adanya Negara ke-20 yang melakukan ratifikasi. Karena pada tanggal 23 November 2010 Irak meratifikasi KAPP dan menjadikannya Negara ke-20 yang meratifikasi, maka tanggal 23 Desember 2010 KAPP diberlakukan secara aktif.

Her World Magazine - Indonesia

My daughter was laughing out loud when I told her that a feature story of me was on Her World Magazine.

“Ha ha ha… I will tell all my friends that my Dad is on woman magazine. They all be be laughing. I am sure, Mom will also be laughing to know this”.

Mentari, as I usually call my beloved daughter, was happy to know this, not really because other reason, but particularly because she will have “something” to make fun of me. That way is similar to the “reason” way I was laughing with bitterness when she was falling down from the cherry tree three days ago. I am very sad that she has her ankle swollen now. But well, that’s way we enjoy our days. We laugh at things that are not funny.

Back to a feature story on Her World Magazine Indonesia, June 2011 Edition. Thanks to the editor and writer, Theresia Junita Christy who put the feature there. Just like what she said when interviewing me, we have common concern namely to share bitter and traumatic story, especially related to political violence in the past in order that people will know and learn and get inspiration from dealing with it and hopefully preventing it from happening again in the future. That's what in the feature titled,"Manifestation of My Thankfulness".
It's all about remembering. About combating forgetfulness.

My story has already been in several human rights publications. It is the first that the story is there in Her World Magazine. So Mentari is rights in laughing at it, because is a break through in some way.

I just expect that more popular media expose more of such issues in more popular way.

Another Turning Point

July was another turning point for me, on its 29th, 2000.
It shaped me like the way I am now.

July 27, 1996 – A Turning Point

I never forget the date. Never!

Early in Saturday morning, hundreds if not thousands of thugs, backed by police and military raided a building at Jalan Diponegoro, Jakarta. It was an office of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) that was turned to a center of democratic movements against the New Order dictatorship. There was a big stage used as a forum of democracy, of free speech. In several occasions, thousands of supporters of Megawati and her PDI attended the free speech forum. But everyday, hundreds of people came and visited and gave speeches on the stage. One of those really using the forum for speeches for change and political propaganda against the military dictatorship was the left wing People’s Democratic Party (PRD) and its mass organizations PPBI, SMID, STN, JAKER and SRI.

When the building was being raided, hundreds of Megawati and PDI supporters were there. Many of them were still sleeping. This bloody attacks and raids by thugs backed by the police and military (official investigation by Commission on Human Rights – Komnas HAM and Fact Finding Team found that they were not thugs, but military in plainclothes) resulted in bloodshed. Hundreds of the occupants died and disappeared (Komnas HAM reports) without trace.

Just after the raids, Jakarta was in chaos of riots. The urban poor people of Jakarta, who were the supporters and sympathetic to Megawati and fed up with Suharto New Order Regime expressed their anger and discontent. Military and government building and offices and other symbols establishments were targeted and burnt down… Jakarta was in chaos.

Hours after this, Dictator Suharto mobilized his guard dogs to seek scapegoat. Then the Coordinating Minister of Political and Security Affairs, General Susilo Sudarman, as well as Chief of Social and Political Affairs of the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI), Let.Gen. Syarwan Hamid appeared on TV and all media with strong statements;

“The PRD is behind the riots in Jakarta. They are the mastermind!”
“The PRD is the revival of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI)”
“The PRD is banned from now on!”

The impacts of the black propaganda by the New Order were effective in two terms. On the one hand, it could mobilize sentiment against the PRD, a five-day old political party of young people declared on July 22, 1996. The leaders and members were then hunted down like the way Hitler hunted down the Jewish. After an intensive intelligent operation, a month later, tens of PRD leadership including the Chairperson Budiman Sudjatmiko (now the MP) and Secretary General Petrus Hariyanto were caught, torture and detained. They were all charged with the Anti Subversion Law of Hattzaai Artikelen of the Dutch colonial legacy against the government that could bring them all to death penalty!

On the other hand by the way, the July 27 event and black propaganda have built confidence among the discontent Indonesian population under the rule of New Order. The PRD exemplified the vast population that the fist hand rule of the New Order was not unchallenged. The people just needed a pioneer and leadership. The evidence was that since then, the popular democratic movement against the dictatorship started growing, in all sectors, which lead to the popular student lead movement that toppled Suharto from Presidency in May 1998.

July 27 1996 was a historical turning point, politically and personally.
Politically, I have mentioned above. Instead of diminishing the critical voice of the masses, it triggered popular uprising against the dictatorship. But this give impacts to individual actor of the movements.

Being the member of the student wing of the PRD, the Indonesian Student Solidarity for Democracy (SMID) I was affected by this historical event. We had to work underground, temporarily disconnected with families and best friends. But it was also fun, especially that we still can politically hit and run, and kick and rush (I love English Premier League) against the dictatorship. We can still organize the movements, with students, urban poor, and workers, in many cities. We were even developing, in terms of reaching broader population.

But again, this also lead to my abduction on March 13, 1998 by the most notorious Indonesian Special Force (Kopassus), the torture and detention for 3 months.

Thanks to the popular movements toppling the dictatorship, as well as international solidarity by many of our comrades abroad, so that I was released on bail in June 1998. Otherwise I might should have been experienced imprisonment for several years like many other friends.

The 27 of July 1996 event also impacted to other friends of mine. If I am lucky and accordingly thankful, the same thing did not happen to other great committed friends of ours. They should be imprisoned, tortured, killed and made disappeared for their love to the people and country. So many of us should be separated from the people we love most, our families and friends. To mention some of those made disappeared are Wiji Thukul, Bimo Petrus Anugerah, Herman Hendrawan, Suyat and many more. (We all still have to fight for justice and to locate their whereabouts)


They have been experiencing that because we have been anti militarism, for multiparty system of government, for freedom of expression and association, for the rights to free education and health services, for employment, for feminism, for good and sustained environment, and for peace and equality. For a better Indonesia to live in. For me, for what these friends of mine have done and contributed to the country, they should be considered the martyrs, the heroes and the patriots.

It is July 27, 2011. It was 15 years ago already. But we never forget. We just can’t! What we believe is that to remember you the martyrs is to continue doing, to make come true what you and I dare to dream about the people and the country. We are talking about social justice where we live in prosperity, just and peace.

To condemn extremist-fundamentalist in Norway

Norwegian Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Store visits the Utoya Labor Youth camp a day before Breivik's killing spree. He earned loud cheers with an unapologetic call for Palestinian rights.

Although it is too late, the European and we all should be aware of the very concrete threats to our civilization like those happened in Oslo and Utoya of Norway. It should be made a wake up call. Extremism and fundamentalism expressed through such terrorists acts could happen to any person with particular ideology, belief, religion and other background that are against progress and course of history...

My deepest sympathy to all the victims of massacre in Norway. We all should unite to fight against such terrorist like Anders Behring Breivik!
No to any extremist fundamentalism, and ultra-chauvinist nationalism!

Why Marcos (and Suharto) is BETTER

Last week in the Philippines;

For people like Mr. Zaragoza, who drove me to NAIA in Manila, life in the Philippines has been getting more and more difficult for the last few decades. The price of gasoline, rice and education for his children are increasing day by day, except his salary. In conclusion he said to me, "Marcos time was much much BETTER!"

Then I ask why, wasn't Marcos a dictator and corrupt?

He answered, "Yes he was very corrupt, but only him and his family! Now, every government official and politician from a Barangay to Malacanang, all are corrupt!"

Perlunya Ratifikasi ICC

Perlunya Ratifikasi ICC
Penulis : Mugiyanto*

Setiap tanggal 17 Juli, masyarakat dunia memperingati Hari Keadilan Internasional (International Criminal Justice Day) sebagai peringatan disahkannya Statuta Roma tentang Mahkamah Pidana Internasional (Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court/ICC). Statuta ini dinamakan demikian karena disahkan dalam sebuah konferensi diplomatik di Kota Roma, Italia.

ICC bertujuan menghapuskan praktik impunitas di dunia dengan mengadili para pelaku kejahatan serius internasional; kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan, genosida, kejahatan perang, dan kejahatan agresi. ICC telah efektif berjalan sejak tanggal 1 Juli 2002, setelah diratifikasi oleh 60 negara.

Berdasarkan prinsip saling melengkapi, ICC hanya akan bertindak ketika pengadilan nasional tidak mampu (unable) atau tidak mau (unwilling) mengambil tindakan. Contohnya ketika pemerintah tidak mau menghukum warga negaranya, terlebih ketika orang tersebut adalah orang yang berpengaruh atau ketika sistem pengadilan pidana telah runtuh sebagai akibat konflik internal, sehingga tidak ada pengadilan yang mampu mengatasi kasus-kasus tipe kejahatan tersebut (unable).

Sebuah kasus bisa ditangani ICC dengan cara tiga cara. Pertama, Jaksa Penuntut dengan inisiatifnya sendiri melakukan investigasi ketika satu atau lebih kejahatan telah terjadi berdasarkan informasi dari berbagai sumber, termasuk para korban dan keluarga. Kedua, negara yang telah meratifikasi Statuta Roma dapat meminta Jaksa Penuntut untuk menginvestigasi sebuah situasi di mana satu atau lebih kejahatan telah terjadi. Ketiga, Dewan Keamanan PBB dapat meminta pengadilan untuk menginvestigasi situasi di mana satu atau lebih kejahatan telah dilakukan.

Indonesia dan ICC
Walaupun belum menandatangani ataupun meratifikasi ICC, Indonesia cukup aktif terlibat, bahkan sejak 1998 ketika konferensi diplomatik di Roma diselenggarakan. Lalu dalam pernyataan mengenai ICC di Komite ke-6 Majelis Umum PBB tahun 1999, wakil pemerintah Indonesia menyatakan dukungannya dengan mengatakan bahwa “partisipasi universal harus menjadi ujung tombak ICC” dan bahwa “Pengadilan (ICC) menjadi bentuk hasil kerja sama seluruh bangsa tanpa memandang perbedaan politik, ekonomi, sosial, dan budaya”.

Selanjutnya, pada Sidang Dewan HAM PBB tentang Darfur (Sudan) tahun 2007, Dubes Indonesia di PBB, Marty Natalegawa, mengatakan penolakannya pada impunitas, dan bahwa pelaku kejahatan serius harus diadili.

Pemerintah Megawati sebenarnya juga sudah mencanangkan rencana meratifikasi ICC pada 2008, sebagaimana disebutkan dalam Keppres No 40 Tahun 2004 tentang Rencana Aksi Nasional Hak Asasi Manusia (RANHAM) 2004-2009. Akan tetapi, pemerintah penggantinya, yaitu pemerintahan SBY, tidak berhasil melaksanakan rencana tersebut, tanpa penjelasan yang bisa diketahui publik. Akibatnya, rencana ratifikasi ICC kembali dibuat dalam Keppres No 23 Tahun 2001 tentang RANHAM 2011-2014 yang menyebutkan bahwa ratifikasi ICC akan dilakukan pada tahun ke-3 (2013).

Arti Penting bagi Indonesia
Peringatan Hari Keadilan Internasional tahun ini sebenarnya sangat istimewa bagi Indonesia karena pada bulan Juli ini Koalisi Internasional untuk Mahkamah Pidana Internasional (CICC) bersama Koalisi Masyarakat Sipil Indonesia untuk Mahkamah Pidana Internasional telah menetapkan Indonesia sebagai target dari kampanye ratifikasi universal (Universal Ratification Campaign/URC). Indonesia dijadikan sasaran kampanye internasional ini karena dipandang memiliki posisi signifikan dalam upaya memutus rantai impunitas bersama-sama negara-negara lain, bahkan berpotensi menjadi contoh.

Saat ini Indonesia memiliki kedudukan penting di regional maupun internasional. Sebagai Ketua ASEAN, Indonesia dapat berperan penting dalam mempromosikan keadilan internasional sebagai bagian dalam pemecahan konflik antarnegara ASEAN. Selain itu, hal ini akan memperkuat kedudukan ASEAN dan Badan HAM ASEAN sebagai perwujudan penghormatan terhadap hak asasi manusia di kawasan ASEAN.

Keanggotaan Indonesia kembali dalam Dewan HAM PBB juga layak dipertegas dengan pembuktian bahwa Indonesia punya komitmen kuat dalam penegakan keadilan dan penghormatan HAM dengan meratifikasi ICC. Hal ini juga akan mampu memperbaiki citra Indonesia di luar negeri yang akhir-akhir ini mendapatkan sorotan tajam dari PBB, karena tidak mampu melindungi dan menjamin hak atas kebebasan beragama dan berkeyakinan.

Percepatan Ratifikasi
Kegagalan RANHAM 2004-2009 dalam meratifikasi ICC yang seharusnya terjadi pada 2008 harus menjadi pelecut proses percepatan RANHAM 2011-2014 kali ini. Kita tidak perlu menunggu sampai 2013 karena beberapa alasan mendasar. Pertama, ratifikasi akan menjadi acuan masyarakat dalam mengukur konsistensi Pemerintah SBY atas ucapan dan tindakan dalam penegakan HAM dan keadilan. Kita semua tahu, konsistensi antara ucapan dan tindakan adalah salah satu kelemahan mendasar pemerintahan SBY selama ini.

Kedua, ratifikasi atas ICC akan berdampak pada penguatan dan perbaikan mekanisme pengadilan hak asasi manusia yang saat ini ditengarai sedang kolaps. Ratifikasi ICC akan menjadikan dasar yang kuat bagi perlunya melakukan amendemen mendasar atas peraturan perundangan tentang hak asasi manusia, terutama UU No 26 Tahun 200 tentang Pengadilan HAM yang selama ini tidak efektif dan tidak memenuhi standar fair trial internasional. Ratifikasi atas Statuta Roma yang dibarengi dengan perbaikan perundangan mengenai HAM dan Pengadilan HAM akan bisa memberi salah satu terobosan terhadap kebuntuan penanganan kasus-kasus pelanggaran berat HAM.

Ketiga, ratifikasi ICC oleh Indonesia pada saat ini akan menjadikan Indonesia memiliki kesempatan untuk berpartisipasi dalam berbagai proses dan operasional ICC yang berkedudukan di Den Haag (Belanda), semisal dalam pencalonan hakim, penuntut, victim trust fund, dan badan-badan ICC yang lain. Ratifikasi ICC oleh Indonesia juga menjadikan Indonesia sebagai negara pihak untuk aktif dalam pertemuan Majelis Negara Pihak (Assembly of States Parties/ASP). Bahkan, bila Indonesia telah menjadi negara pihak sebelum bulan September tahun ini, Indonesia dapat berperan serta dalam ASP dengan mengusulkan calon hakim yang akan menjadi pengganti enam orang hakim ICC yang pada bulan Desember mendatang akan mengakhiri masa tugasnya.

Indonesia akan mendapatkan banyak sekali keuntungan bila meratifikasi ICC, baik secara domestik maupun internasional. Sebaliknya, kerugiannya juga akan berlipat ganda bila tidak meratifikasi ICC secepatnya, karena janji-janji pemerintah tentang keadilan dan penegakan hukum hanya akan menjadi jargon-jargon kosong tanpa arti.

*Penulis adalah Ketua IKOHI, Convenor Koalisi Masyarakat Sipil untuk ICC.

Opini di Harian Sinar Harapan:18.07.2011 09:22
http://www.sinarharapan.co.id/content/read/perlunya-ratifikasi-icc/

Mengungkap Kasus Penculikan di Perspektif Baru Wimar Witoelar 2008

Mengungkap Kasus Penculikan
Edisi 627 | 24 Mar 2008 |

Tamu Perspektif Baru kali ini adalah Mugianto. Siapa Mugianto? Yang jelas dia bukan temannya Suharto, tapi dia adalah orang yang pernah diculik dan hilang pada zaman pemerintahan Suharto. Dia kini Ketua Ikatan Keluarga Orang Hilang Indonesia (IKOHI), dan juga Ketua Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD)

Mugianto mengatakan pintu keadilan dalam arti penghukuman terhadap mereka yang bertanggung jawab terhadap kasus penghilangan paksa dan penculikan orang tidak tertutup sama sekali walaupun Suharto sudah meninggal. Itu masih bisa berjalan walaupun kalau kita berbicara masalah kebenaran mungkin ada beberapa yang kontroversial, tidak terbuka sepenuhnya karena memang Suharto sudah tidak ada. Namun keadilan dan kebenaran masih bisa diungkap.

Menurut Mugianto, itu semua tergantung pada eksekutif. Kasus penculikan dirinya dan 24 kasus lainnya yang ditangani Komisi Nasional (Komnas) Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) sekarang sudah ada di Jaksa Agung untuk disidik dan dituntut melalui pengadilan HAM, tetapi mentok di sana. Jadi hanya Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono yang bisa melakukan terobosan.

Berikut wawancara Wimar Witoelar dengan Mugianto.

Selama perawatan sampai meninggalnya, negara dan pemerintahan menghormati Suharto sebagai mantan presiden yang 32 tahun memerintah. Menurut saya, reaksinya aneh karena pada masa pemerintahannya dia banyak dipuja, pada masa akhir pemerintahannya dia banyak dicela sampai akhirnya terpaksa turun. Kemudian dikejar-kejar ke pengadilan tapi tidak berhasil. Tapi pada waktu dia meninggal, respon masyarakat positif. Bagaimana tanggapan Mugianto mengenai pemujaan terhadap Suharto?

Saya pikir mungkin dapat diperdebatkan juga untuk mengatakan respons masyarakat positif. Masyarakat memang menghormati Pak Harto ketika dia meninggal. Tapi yang memberikan respon yang sangat positif adalah Pemerintah, dalam hal ini adalah pemerintahan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) dan orang-orang yang masih berada di kekuasaan yang notabene pendukung Suharto. Saya pikir mereka yang positif memberikan penghargaan atas meninggalnya Suharto.

Apakah termasuk juga Presiden Yudhoyono?

Termasuk Yudhoyono. Menurut saya, yang kita saksikan kemarin berlebihan. Memberikan penghormatan bendera setengah tiang selama seminggu, pemakaman yang begitu besar. Boleh saja Suharto dihargai, tetapi yang sama sekali tidak disampaikan oleh pemerintahan Yudhoyono tempo hari adalah pemerintah sepertinya sama sekali tidak melihat bahwa Suharto pada masa lalu melakukan berbagai macam penyalahgunaan kekuasaan secara masif, dan itu berdampak pada masa kini. Bahkan Presiden Yudhoyono juga mewarisi kehancuran sebagai akibat apa yang dilakukan oleh Suharto pada masa lalu.

Saya mendengar komentar bagus dari orang bahwa kalau pemerintah meminta mengibarkan bendera setengah tiang untuk Pak Harto, seharusnya pemerintah juga meminta pengibaran bendera setengah tiang selama sebulan untuk korban penculikan. Nah Anda sebagai korban penculikan dan kita agak susah bertemu dengan korban penculikan, bagaimana sebenarnya pengalaman Anda?

Waktu itu saya adalah aktivis. Pada tahun 1998 Saya masih mahasiswa di Yogya. Pada tahun 1995 - 1997 saya terlibat dalam gerakan mahasiswa yang mengidentikkan bahwa masalah ketidakadilan, ketidakadaan demokratisasi bersumber pada kebijakan Orde Baru Suharto. Kami mengidentifikasi masalah fundamental di Indonesia saat itu adalah adanya dwi fungsi Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia (ABRI), dan lima undang-undang politik yang sangat represif yang tidak memungkinkan adanya sistem multi partai di Indonesia. Kami melihat itu sebagai tulang punggung Orde Baru, dan untuk mengubah Indonesia pada sistem yang lebih demokratis kami memperjuangkan itu dicabut. Sebagai akibat dari yang telah saya dan kawan-kawan lakukan pada waktu itu, saya diculik oleh sekelompok orang pada 13 Maret 1998.

Bagaimana Anda diculik?

Saya diculik ketika baru masuk rumah kontrakan saya di Klender, Jakarta Timur pukul delapan malam. Begitu saya masuk tiba-tiba ruangan sudah kosong, padahal setengah jam sebelum itu saya telpon ke rumah, ada dua teman saya Nezar Patria dan Aan Rusdianto. Saya mengatakan kepada mereka supaya menunggu di rumah karena saya mau pulang. Ketika saya masuk sudah tidak ada orang. Beberapa menit pertama saya tidak curiga apa-apa tapi sekitar lima menit kemudian saya pikir ada yang tidak beres. Begitu melihat ke luar lewat jendela, saya melihat rumah sudah dikepung oleh orang-orang yang berbadan kekar.

Apakah tetangga-tetangga Anda tidak ada?

Tetangga-tetangga tidak ada, dan saya membaca mereka sudah dikondisikan oleh orang-orang yang bermaksud menculik saya. Ketika saya masuk rumah, ada tiga orang ibu yang melihat saya tetapi tidak mengucapkan sepatah katapun. Saya sudah merasa ada yang tidak beres. Saya melihat lewat jendela-jendela, saya sudah dikepung. Saya sadar betul karena pada masa-masa itu sejak 1996 bisa dikatakan saya berada dalam pelarian karena pada 27 Juli 1996 organisasi saya Solidaritas Mahasiswa Indonesia untuk Demokrasi (SMID) dianggap sebagai salah satu organisasi yang bertanggung jawab terhadap kerusuhan waktu itu dan pimpinannya diburu. Saat itu 13 Maret 1998 pukul tujuh malam saya merasa akan berakhir di sini. Hidup saya mungkin berakhir di sini.

Jadi sangat traumatis. Apakah teman-teman Anda sebelumnya ada yang diculik dan kehilangan nyawa?

Waktu itu belum. Yang terjadi adalah aktivis-aktivis sudah diculik seperti Pius Lustrilanang, Desmon, Haryanto Taslam pada Januari 1998. Sehari sebelumnya pada 12 Maret teman-teman sudah diculik seperti Faisol Reza, dan lain-lainnya. Pada 13 Maret saya yang ditangkap. Saya merasa aktivitas bahkan hidup saya akan berakhir di sini. Kalau ditangkap polisi saya masih bisa memperkirakan saya ditahan, diadili.

Apakah mereka itu ada identitas atau suratnya?

Tidak. Saat itu saya juga dalam keadaan panik dan begitu powerless. Pintu digedor dari luar dan saya tidak bisa lari karena berada di lantai dua.

Mengapa Anda tidak pernah mempersiapkan sebelumnya seperti di film ada tempat pelarian?

Saya belum memikirkan itu karena tinggal di situ baru satu minggu. Menurut hitungan matematis, satu minggu masih aman walaupun negara sangat represif saat itu. Kemudian masuk sekitar sepuluh orang, dua orang memakai pakaian tentara yang lainnya berpakaian sipil. Seorang bapak-bapak memakai kopiah dan menggandeng saya, "Bapak tenang saja ikuti bapak-bapak ini dan bapak akan selamat". Tidak lama kemudian mereka mengacak-ngacak tempat saya, mencari buku-buku, dan sebagainya yang tidak ada karena memang kami baru saja pindah. Kemudian saya digandeng turun dari lantai dua. Saat itu kira-kira pukul delapan malam

Apakah tetangga-tetangga ada yang melihat?

Ada beberapa orang, namun saya tidak bisa mengidentifikasi apakah mereka itu tetangga saya atau pelaku penculikan. Saya juga tidak fokus karena membayangkan saya akan dipenjara atau akan mati.

Apakah Anda takut?

Ya, saya takut.

Sebagai seorang aktivis, bukankah Anda sudah siap menghadapi kejadian seperti itu sehingga tenang saja?

Yang saya bayangkan adalah Orde Baru sangat represif, jika saya berdemo akan ditangkap oleh kepolisian dengan tuduhan subversi.

Ini terjadi Maret 1998 dimana sudah mulai terjadi demonstrasi mahasiswa tetapi belum terjadi kerusuhan Mei. Bukankah keadaan Pak Harto sudah mulai goyah karena krisis ekonomi?

Ya, krisis ekonomi mulai terjadi pertengahan 1997. Jadi sampai Mei 1998 ketidakstabilan sudah sangat klimaks. Demontrasi dimana-mana, tidak hanya kami dari mahasiswa, pendukung Megawati, tapi orang-orang di pinggir jalan semua menjerit karena harga naik dan rupiah hancur.

Kita kembali ke penculikan.

Saya dimasukkan dalam mobil semacam kijang dan dibawa ke suatu tempat kemudian berhenti di suatu tempat, ternyata itu Komando Rayon Militer (Koramil) Duren Sawit Jakarta Timur. Di situ, ada hal yang aneh. Ketika saya sedang diinterogasi oleh dua orang tentara, ada satu orang yang datang. Saya mengira dia adalah korban salah tangkap. Orang-orang yang menangkap saya menyangka dia teman saya, pada awalnya saya mengira begitu. Saya dan dia memang dibawa sebagai paket hasil tangkapan. Padahal saya tidak kenal dan dia mengaku bernama Jaka. Dia protes pada dua tentara di depan, "Saya harus dilepaskan kalau tidak saya akan menghubungi saudara saya yang pimpinan ABRI". Kemudian dia ditendang kakinya. Dari Koramil Duren Sawit, saya dan si Jaka dibawa dengan pick up polisi militer dan berhenti di suatu tempat yaitu Komando Distrik Militer (Kodim) Jakarta Timur.

Kodim lebih tinggi dari Koramil. Jadi orang-orang itu tidak memakai identitas akan tetapi mereka membawa Anda ke kantor tentara.

Ya betul. Mobil berhenti di sebuah gedung yang menurut mereka yang membawa kami adalah Kodim Jakarta Timur. Kemudian ada dua orang yang berteriak, "Turunkan mereka" sampai empat kali. Baru kami diturunkan. Kemudian kami dituntun ke dalam. Saya menunggu dua menit kemudian saya diminta keluar lagi. Saya digandeng Jaka, "Mugi kamu selamat, kita pulang ke rumah". Kemudian Jaka mengajak saya naik mobil sedan di depan dua pria tadi. Tapi kemudian saya dikeluarkan lagi, "Mugi kamu naik mobil yang lain".

Apakah kira-kira itu koneksinya Jaka?

Ya, kira-kira koneksinya dia. Kemudian saya dipindahkan ke kendaraan semacam kijang yang agak jauh. Di mobil kijang itulah saya tidak tahu Jaka ada dimana mungkin nyangkut di situ. Saya sendiri di tutup mata dan baju saya dibuka. Di dalam mobil itu ada sekitar enam – tujuh orang. Kemudian saya dibawa ke tempat lain dan satu jam kemudian kami berhenti.

Apakah Anda tidur atau tidak sadar?

Tidak, saya sadar. Kemudian mereka berteriak, "Kamu Mugianto kan?" Saya jawab iya. "Kami tidak pernah salah menangkap orang," kata mereka. Lalu mata saya ditutup, kemudian saya diancam, "Kamu harus ikut kami". Kemudian ada sesuatu yang dingin menempel di kepala saya kira-kira pistol. Mereka sempat berdebat rute perjalanan dan satu jam kemudian kendaraan berhenti. Baru tiga langkah turun dari kendaraan saya merasa sangat dingin. Saya mendengar seperti air gemericik mengalir, ada suara sirine, lalu ada suara seperti cambuk. Saya membayangkan saya dibawa ke sawah di pinggir sungai. Kemudian saya disuruh buka celana sehingga hanya menggunakan celana dalam. Tutup mata saya diganti. Kemudian saya ditanya, "Kamu tinggal dengan siapa?’ Saya jawab sendirian. Tidak senang dengan jawaban yang diberikan saya pun dihajar. Saya jatuh dan kemudian dibangunkan dan diinterogasi lagi. Setiap dia tidak suka dengan jawaban saya, saya dihajar. Kemudian saya ditidurkan hanya dengan memakai celana dalam dan mata tertutup. Saya ditidurkan dengan tangan dan kaki saya diikat. Di situ saya baru sadar ternyata suara yang seperti cambuk itu adalah alat setrum. Kemudian ada suara sirine meraung-raung, jadi itu adalah tempat penyekapan. Mereka berhenti menginterogasi dan menyiksa saya dengan setrum itu. Ada orang lain di dekat saya kira-kira tiga meter dari saya, orang itu disiksa menjerit-jerit.

Berapa lama kondisi ini berlangsung?

Ini berlangsung selama dua hari dua malam. Selain interogasi ada juga ‘diskusi-diskusi’ yang menurut saya penting. Kalau salah akan ditabok dan disetrum. Misalnya, mengapa kalian mendukung referendum di Timor Timur? Mengapa mendukung demokratisasi di Aceh? Kalian seharusnya menghentikan demonstrasi-demonstrasi buruh. Mengapa kalian ingin menumbangkan Suharto? Berapa kali menghadiri pertemuan dengan Amien Rais, Megawati?

Kalau dari perspektif saya, sebenarnya dalam waktu sepuluh tahun setelah itu kita banyak kemajuan karena hal-hal yang dicela saat itu sekarang boleh saja. Mungkin itu karena Suhartonya jatuh. Tapi, dari mana Anda mengetahui kalau itu orang-orang Suharto?

Dua hari dari situ kami diserahkan ke Polda Metro Jaya kemudia saya ditahan selama tiga bulan, Maret – Juni. Pada 6 Juni saya dibebaskan yaitu pada masa Habibie berkuasa. Saat itu Habibie mencabut undang-undang (UU) subversi. Saat itu saya terkena UU anti subversi, dan sebenarnya saya bukan dibebaskan, tetapi status hanya berubah menjadi penangguhan penahanan.

Apakah itu berlangsung sampai sekarang?

Ya, sampai sekarang status saya penangguhan penahanan.

Gawat. Apakah Anda bisa ditahan kembali?

Bisa.

Jadi berakhirnya tidak jelas dan awalnya tidak jelas juga. Anda saat itu mahasiswa dan itu terjadi sepuluh tahun lalu. Apakah selama sepuluh tahun itu Anda fokus mencari keadilan terhadap penekanan Suharto?

Sebagai orang yang selamat (survivor), saya bergabung dengan teman-teman yang mengadvokasi saya diantaranya Kontras. Kemudian saya berinteraksi dengan teman-teman survivor lainnya dan dengan orang tua yang anak-anaknya hilang. Sampai saat ini tercatat 13 orang yang belum diketahui keberadaannya.

Dari pengalaman itu hidup Anda dipenuhi dengan obsesi mencari keadilan. Sehubungan dengan Suharto yang sudah tidak ada, bagaimana jalan ke depan kita, apakah lebih dekat atau lebih jauh dengan keadilan?

Saya pikir lebih dekat pada keadilan walaupun itu tidak mudah. Jadi ini semua tergantung pada eksekutif. Itu karena kasus terhadap penculikan saya dan 24 kasus lainnya yang sedang ditangani pemerintah dalam hal ini Komisi Nasional (Komnas) Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM). Sekarang sudah ada di Jaksa Agung untuk disidik dan dituntut melalui pengadilan HAM, tetapi mentok di sana. Jadi hanya Presiden SBY yang bisa melakukan terobosan.

Ini penting, jadi kita bisa melihat bahwa kasus ini belum mati bahkan berkesempatan untuk hidup lagi karena sudah di tangan presiden dan keadilan terhadap penekanan Suharto masih bisa diperjuangkan.

Ya, dan saya pikir Suharto memang orang yang paling bertanggung jawab dan masih banyak lagi karena dia bukan satu-satunya yang bertanggung jawab. Masih banyak para jenderal dan pihak-pihak yang harus dimintai pertanggungjawaban karena keterlibatannya terhadap berbagai pelanggaran HAM. Jadi sebenarnya pintu keadilan dalam arti penghukuman terhadap mereka yang bertanggung jawab tidak tertutup sama sekali walaupun Suharto sudah meninggal. Masih bisa berjalan walaupun kalau kita berbicara masalah kebenaran mungkin ada beberapa yang kontroversial, tidak terbuka sepenuhnya karena memang Suharto sudah tidak ada. Namun keadilan dan kebenaran masih bisa diungkap. Saya menekankan pentingnya kebenaran terutama terhadap penghilangan paksa dan penculikan orang. Ini sangat penting karena kebenaranlah yang bisa memberikan kelegaan dan keadilan terutama kepada keluarga yang ditinggalkan. Seperti kita ketahui masih ada 13 orang yang hilang, salah satunya adalah Widji Tukul, dia adalah seorang seniman dari kampung Kalangan Solo, Jawa Tengah yang sampai sekarang masih hilang. Hilangnya Widji Tukul memberikan ketidakpastian terhadap Mbak Sipon, istrinya.

Sumber: http://www.perspektifbaru.com/wawancara/627/